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Evaluation of the effects of smoking interventions on smoking behavior, and the macroeconomic impact of smoking intervention.

1. Impact of the tobacco control measures in South Africa.
The primary aim of a tobacco control policy is to reduce tobacco consumption in order to reduce the morbidity and mortality impact of the product. The debate about the recent legislation has highlighted the complexities of tobacco control, and the numerous linkages that exist. Groups that are influenced, to some degree or another include the following:

  • growers of leaf tobacco,
  • the cigarette manufacturing industry,
  • advertising agencies,
  • the hospitality industry,
  • the government's Department of Finance, and
  • existing and potential smokers.

The impact of tobacco control legislation on industries dependent on tobacco will be investigated, focusing on the turnover, profitability and employment in each of these industries.

2. Relationship between cigarette taxes, retail prices, consumption and government revenue.
Of all tobacco control tools available, increases in cigarette excise taxes seem to be the most effective. It is a visible, measurable and quick mechanism. Also, it generates money for the fiscus, rather than costing money, as is the case with most other tobacco control interventions. A sizeable literature on the relationship between excise tax, cigarette prices, cigarette consumption and government revenue has been generated over time (Van Walbeek, 1996 and 2000 and Van der Merwe and Annett, 1998). However, given the importance of this tool, it is important to monitor how the relationships between the various variables develop. The South African Ministry of Finance is particularly interested in this analysis.

3. Distributional impact of changes in excise taxes.
Some development economists argue that, even though excise tax increases are an effective tobacco control instrument, it is inappropriate because it places a disproportionately heavy burden on the poor. Since the poor generally spend a higher percentage of their income on tobacco products than the rich, this would imply that tobacco taxes are regressive. Tobacco control economists (Jha and Chaloupka, 2000) argue that although the tax is regressive, increases in the tax are likely to decrease the regressiveness of the tax. The reason for this is that the poor, in contrast to the rich, are more likely to decrease their cigarette consumption in reaction to a price increase. This implies that the demand of the poor is more price elastic than that of the rich. Preliminary studies, based on a comparison of 1990 and 1995 household survey data, support the latter view.

Preliminary studies, based on a comparison of 1990 and 1995 household survey data, support the latter view. These studies are extremely data intensive and probably for this reason they are not performed regularly. (To the researchers' knowledge, the only non-US studies investigating the relationship between income and the price elasticity of demand were performed by Townsend (1987), and Townsend, et al. (1994), for the UK, and Sayginsoy, et al. (2000), for Bulgaria.) In 2002 the 2000 Income and Expenditure survey will be released. This data will enable one to investigate changes in cigarette spending patterns between 1995 and 2000. Specifically, given that the real price of cigarettes increased dramatically in this period, one can determine the impact of real price increases on the different income groups.

4. Role of research, lobbying and political will in implementing a tobacco control policy.
South Africa's tobacco control legislation did not come easy. It was vehemently opposed by the tobacco industry and a number of industries that had an economic stake in the industry. Much lobbying by the medical profession and dedicated tobacco control groups was required to get the government to act. Only after 1994 did the government fully embrace the tobacco control cause. The government's tobacco control attempts were met with strong opposition. Despite this, the government was able to pass comprehensive legislation against tobacco advertising and sponsorship, and enforce clean indoor air policies in all public and work places. South Africa's tobacco control policy was the culmination of a process that involved effective lobbying, policy-relevant research, and strong political leadership. In the process many important lessons were learnt. Many of these lessons are applicable to other countries.

5. Research support.
Tobacco control research is well-established in South Africa and a sizeable literature has been generated to date. The University of Cape Town has been actively involved in tobacco control research. One of the priorities of the research programme is to disseminate the research techniques to a wide audience in other developing countries, especially in Africa. This is likely to take the form of workshops, joint research projects and individual mentoring, as and when the opportunity for such collaboration arises.

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